There are also tactical considerations in play — like whether publicly calling for Biden’s ouster might only make him more obstinate. And at Semafor, Benjy Sarlin
brings up another problem — the game theory doctrine of
mutually assured destruction:
What Biden
can do is be stubborn in a way that sets up a scenario of mutually assured destruction for Democrats. So long as opponents of his nomination believe it’s impossible to force him to step aside, any escalation of their criticism risks damaging him even further in November. And the worse his standing gets, the more his party is likely to suffer up and down the ballot.
At this point, Biden isn’t even trying to convince anyone that he’ll run an effective campaign against Trump. Instead, he’s just telling Democrats they don’t have a choice — so any further criticism will only enable Trump and make the situation still worse. Notwithstanding that this is
exactly the sort of thinking that got Democrats into trouble in the first place, I don’t think this argument should persuade anyone. Biden has an extremely weak hand, and Democrats should call his bluff. Here are seven reasons why:
(1) Biden's situation is probably already beyond repair. Even before the debate, Biden was
roughly a 2:1 underdog in our forecast. His chances have fallen since then, and they’ll probably continue to decline as more
battleground state polling comes in. The
bigger problem, though, is that even Biden’s 29 percent chances (our model’s forecast as of Tuesday) are built from past examples where candidates were capable of running relatively normal campaigns, which Biden isn’t. The whole premise of Biden’s campaign — steady, adult leadership — has now been fatally undermined.
Does that mean Biden’s chances are
zero? I wouldn’t say that.
Maybe the polling has been way, way off since the beginning.
Maybe Democrats can sell voters on the dangers of
Project 2025.
Maybe there will be some other shocking news event that redounds to their benefit. But all of these are things that would help
any Democrat, not just Biden. If Democrats retain the presidency, it will be despite Biden, not because of him.
(2) Biden is almost certain to have other “senior moments”, which could come past the point of no return. Even under ideal conditions — a phone call to
Morning Joe, a program with hosts who are extremely sympathetic
3 where he could read off scripted talking points — Biden
struggled to stay on message. What’s it going to be like when he has to debate Trump again in September? Or there’s an international crisis and Biden has to give an impromptu news conference? Or his health situation continues to notably deteriorate over the next four months, or he has some sort of acute medical episode? Or his polling declines further rather than rebounds — not hard to imagine given that his approval ratings have
moved steadily downward throughout his term? If they stick with Biden now, Democrats could easily be faced with a situation later where they are
drawing dead and don’t have the option to replace him (for instance, ballots might already have been printed).
(3) Democrats haven’t gone all that far up the escalatory ladder. We’ve all been in positions where we’re seeking to change someone’s undesirable behavior — a boss or a subordinate, a child or an aging parent . You start with subtle hints —
what if we bought you some new shirts, those ones smell a little musty, you might say to a teenager with poor personal hygiene — and then gradually work your way up the escalatory ladder. Over the weekend, I put out this ordered
list of steps that Democrats might take to persuade Biden to step down. They’d gotten to roughly Step 6 or Step 7, but then the progress stopped:
It’s a natural place for an impasse, because we’re basically at the end of the steps that allow Biden to move aside gracefully. Steps beyond this plausibly could damage Biden irreparably — but that doesn’t matter if he’s
already irreparably damaged (see point #1) or he’s not going to be the nominee anyway because at some point the escalation will work. In MAD terms, Democrats potentially have
first strike capabilities. If they can damage Biden to the point where his chances of winning are not merely low but essentially
zero, he loses his leverage.
(4) Democrats do have some nuclear options. So it may be time to stage an intervention — for a group of senior leaders to directly confront Biden, first privately and then if necessary publicly, and tell him it’s time to go.
And what if that doesn’t work? Well, Democrats actually
can escalate further. In fact — and there is a lot of incorrect reporting on this point — it is actually
not Biden’s choice whether he wants to be the nominee. Instead, it’s technically up to convention delegates. Democratic party rules
contain a provision that allows delegates to back another candidate if they cannot represent their original choice “in all good conscience.” There is nothing legally binding them to vote for Biden.
Now, this is a challenging path because 99 percent of the delegates who will vote on the first ballot
4 were selected by Biden’s campaign, who won all but a handful of delegates in Democrats’
largely uncompetitive primaries. Still, people who serve as delegates to a party convention tend to be loyal to their parties as well as to the candidate who selects them, and
some of these delegates are already having doubts about Biden. In fact, contrary to the White House’s talking points, many rank-and-file Democratic voters
would also prefer to replace Biden in surveys conducted since the debate.
Plus, under mutually assured destruction, the
threat of going nuclear can be a powerful deterrent even if you’re relatively unlikely to exercise it. So it isn’t a trivial consideration that Democrats have the “conscience clause” — or even the
25th Amendment. They actually have the most powerful weapons in the “game”.
(5) Running for another term is probably not in Biden’s best interest. This is because he’s probably going to lose. And if he loses, his
considerable first-term accomplishments will be overshadowed, and he’ll be remembered by history as the stubborn old man who refused to exit the stage and enabled a second term for Trump.
5 If you’re hoping to soothe Biden off the stage with carrots rather than sticks, seeking to persuade him of this might still work.
(6) Kamala Harris is probably a mutually agreeable option. I’ll want to write more about Harris if I can find the time. But my strong sense is that people who want Biden out would be perfectly happy with Harris (even if they’d prefer some sort of open nomination process) — whereas people are defending Biden are more indifferent between Biden and Harris (but are strongly against an open process). In technical terms, Harris is probably the choice that would emerge from a negotiation in a game-theory equilibrium — not necessarily the party’s best option to defeat Trump, but the one
minimizes the loss function for respective party stakeholders.
And in more practical terms: Biden’s
biggest defenders so far have been the Congressional Black Caucus. Would they really balk at replacing Biden with his Black vice president? There is plausibly a deal to be struck: Biden doubters agree to drop their demand for an open convention and support Harris, an option that Biden defenders can live with.
(7) Here be dragons. I’ll conclude with this: even if the tactics and strategy are hard to work out, it
can’t possibly be a good idea to nominate someone in Biden’s condition to
another four years in office. It just can’t be. If you think it is, try again because you did the math wrong. It’s not a sales pitch Democrats can make with a straight face, and voters aren’t buying it.
Their best argument, of course, is “well, Trump is worse” — but that doesn’t answer the question of why Democrats were in a position to offer voters an acceptable choice and didn’t exercise it. When in doubt, make the responsible move. And don’t try to run a bluff when you so obviously don’t have the goods.