But Vance’s new identity as the MAGA militant has existed alongside — and, at times, served to obscure — another influential role that Vance has taken on in Washington. In certain conservative circles, Vance has emerged as
the standard-bearer of the
“New Right,” a loose movement of young, edgy and elite conservatives trying to take the ideological revolution that began under Trump — including his overt embrace of nationalism, his hard-line stance on immigration, his vocal opposition of U.S. involvement in foreign conflicts like Ukraine and his overt skepticism toward certain liberal democratic principles — in an even more radical direction. Unlike Trump’s more conventional Republican followers, Vance’s New Right cohort see Trump as merely the first step in a broader populist-nationalist revolution that is already reshaping the American right — and, if they get their way, that will soon reshape America as a whole.
“I feel like I’ve got a really good sense of senators, and he’s by far the smartest and the deepest of any I’ve ever met,” said Tucker Carlson, who backed Vance’s 2022 Senate bid and remains a close political ally.
“He is absolutely going to be one of the leaders — if not the leader — of our movement,” said Kevin Roberts, the president of the Heritage Foundation, the leading conservative think tank in Washington.
“I’m sure he’ll run for the presidency one day,” said Steve Bannon, another Vance ally.
Regardless of whether Vance becomes Trump’s eventual running mate for 2024, he is still likely to wield significant influence in a possible second Trump administration, either as a top ally in the Senate or a Cabinet-level official. And beyond that, who knows? In a not-so-distant future, the question of “Whither J.D. Vance?” could very easily become “Whither America?”
Or as Vance said to me: “Trump will, at most, serve four years in the White House. There is a big question about what comes after him.”
At its most basic, this intraconservative revolt is unfolding as a generational schism over Trump, with younger Trump-aligned conservatives like Vance squaring off against older, Trump-skeptical leaders like Mitch McConnell. But Vance and his allies also view the conflict as a deeper philosophical clash between competing definitions of conservatism.
As Vance sees it, the conservatism of McConnell and his allies in Republican leadership represents little more than a watered-down version of liberalism, grounded in free market fundamentalism and foreign policy interventionism. As a result, Vance believes, these conservatives are fundamentally part of what he and other members of the New Right call “the regime” — the interconnected class of liberal elites who populate the upper echelons of American government, business, media, entertainment and academia. Vance and his allies, meanwhile, have positioned themselves as non-liberal reactionaries who stand apart from “the regime.”
Though they call themselves the “
New Right,” they in fact view themselves as the defenders of “an older definition of conservatism,” as Russ Vought, the former director of the Office of Management during the Trump administration and a close ally of Vance, told me. This older definition, Vought said, harkens back to the
conservative populism of the interwar period, when the far right of the Republican Party supported high tariffs and strict limits on immigration and opposed American involvement in overseas conflicts — including, infamously, the U.S. entrance into World War II.